He was to hold that post for nineteen years. This company took over BP's assets and has since made substantial profits on its operations. (i)           To support and collaborate with progressive peoples who are struggling against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, capitalism, racialism, and fascism everywhere throughout the world. In addition, the Seamen and Waterfront Workers' Trade Union leadership issued an ultimatum - either the O.W.T.U. Drivers of National Petroleum and Aziz Aha­mad refused to cross picket lines. And then, on July 15, the police in pre-dawn raids detained and questioned four of the Union employees - the Accountant and his assistant Mrs. Harris, a Trustee, Doodnath Maharaj, and the Education and Research Officer, John Commissiong. As usual, the capitalists were concerned only about their profits. Oct. 16, 2019. The Oilfields Workers' Trade Union can look back and claim with justification that it initiated the move towards nationalisation in the Oil Industry, though the type of nationalisation under­taken by the PNM has still not realised the Union's goal for "those who labour hold the reins". On April 18th the police invaded the factory and brutalised the wor­kers expelling them and arresting 14 workers including three Union officials who had occupied the factory and eleven workers (including a female branch officer). In both of these elec­tions the OWTU, played an increasingly important role. The means used by PG Weekes and his other dedicated officers was a series of meetings, Conferences and Lectures. He held hundreds of meetings throughout the oilbelt during the period 1936-37. One of the members of the Commission was McDonald Moses, founding member of the OWTU who was a close friend of Rojas, and who also had capitulated to the side of the employer class. The strike was thus effectively broken. Nigerian oil workers began a 3-day strike at the petroleum ministry to demand almost three months of pay, according to the labour group representing them. Welcome to Russian oil, gas and construction workers' union (ROGWU ) website . Police moved on to the compounds, there were arrests, contractors were being utilised, workers pre­viously retrenched were hired as scabs. The response was nothing short of tumultuous. The workers were able to beat back the roll backs . (h)          To establish and maintain unity among the peoples of the working class in the Caribbean and Latin Ameri­ca and throughout the world. Kindly Share This Story. To demand withdrawal of the Levy on Sugar. More than 10,000 oilworkers displayed a unity and commitment that had not been experienced in the Labour Movement for years. On December 18th 1978 armed with the informa­tion coming in from the fields and understanding the goings on in the international oil industry, Pee Gee Weekes wrote to the Minister of Petroleum and Mines  “…forces beyond our control gave rise to the  economic boom    forces beyond our control can also give rise to a bust". On December 7th 1980, the hourly and weekly rated workers of Federation Chemicals, subsidiary of U.S. W. R. The Fedchem strike was marked by picket line terror, guns, dogs, police, arrests, yet no one broke the picket line. On March 16th 1978, Lever Brothers workers went on strike to demand higher wages and better working conditions. From, Following the breakup of the march, the Government ordered the police and army to break the workers' strike by driving, under armed protection, the gasolene tank wagons and the sugar trucks. The situation with the OWTU was no different. These actions were becoming commonplace in the society as the local conglomerates moved to consolidate their strength. The 1956 Annual Conference was indeed a turning point. He appealed to the Governor to get the company management to agree to a poll but the Governor stated that the "employers and the Unions disapproved of the methods pursued by Butler's Union' and were unwilling "to have any dealings with Butler". After resumption, a wave of victimisation swept through the workforce. In 1988 the Appeal Court ruled in favour of the Union. The uprising lasted until July 2nd by which time armed forces of the capitalists had killed fourteen (14) people and left hundreds of others wounded. In 1965, Williams did not hesitate to use force to pre­vent that historical unity, and it was to take another decade before the oil and sugar workers got another opportunity to link arms again. His meetings provoked much discussion and debate amongst the thousands who came out to listen to the Chief Servant. The work was hard since there were few machines to ease the burden of labour. Immediately after, the Union wrote its first letter to the employers. The warning fell on deaf ears and the OECS countries, Jamaica and Barbados supported the American invasion. The document called for the establishment of a NATIONAL OIL COMPANY, to carry out production that the major companies did not wish to undertake for "Economic Reasons" - though it was demon­strated that these activities were in fact profitable. On August 3Oth the union served strike notice on Texaco. At Penal 8 senior workers were suspended. The COSSABO - an in­stitution  which had preserved the OWTU in the aftermath of 1970-71, was now to shape the direction of working class politics. To this day, many of them have never been returned. These proposals were submitted against the back­ground of Texaco's refusal to seriously negotiate the upgrad­ing of the Pension Plan and the growing restlessness by the workers with the continued presence and continuing depreda­tion by Texaco. Lastly there was a growing concern about overt racial discrimination - in employment procedures, and in the exclusive clubs of the owning and managerial classes. The Recognition Board dis­allowed the claim. The tactical squad of the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service converged on Pointe­-a-Pierre in force. In the 1983 budget it was announced that Trintoc would supply Texaco with 37,000 barrels of crude oil per day to be refined at its Pointe-a-Pierre refinery. Activities of ROGWU aims to protect workers' rights in oil and gas industry at all stages of production; to compliance with labour contract and to provide the employee with all the necessary social and economic guarantees. On the other hand workers in the Union had gained experience in 1960 in winning their demands through mili­tant action and they felt the leadership was selling them out. Special Announcement- As of March 20,2020 The Independent Oil Workers Union Hall will not be accepting any walk-ins and/or visitors during the COVID-19 crisis. That body instruct­ed the General Council "to examine the matter of the BP retrenchment and to take strike action if necessary." In addition the T & TEC workers had to struggle in 1987 for the rein­statement of Cost of Living Allowances which had earlier that year been illegally suspended by Government decision. Eventually, the largest increase of the day - 1 Sc. Trintoc is a potential explosion just awaiting detonation. The Oilfields Workers' Trade Union is our largest affiliate in this area. The mercenary consultant Andre' Jessamy got a Court injunction instructing the workers to vacate the com­pound. The response was nothing short of tumultuous. The last major struggle of the 1977-82 period the 'illegal' T & TEC strike of 1982 was carried out under conditions which indicated that because of the rapid decline of the boom the balance of forces were shifting and the employers including the State had adopted a more repressive policy toward the economic struggle of workers. While the Metal Box strike was on, the hourly rated workers of another South African-connected company Carib­bean Packaging Industries went on strike. At 3.00 p. m. or later the Conference is resumed with about half the delegates gone and others thinking of leaving The General Secretary reads a report that has nothing about policy, programme or finances. In 1955, the Union bought the Palms Club in San Fernando. This lockout was a dress rehearsal for the lock out of the hourly paid which began in late August. 5. To demand the withdrawal of Texaco's Writ and Injunction preventing the Recognition Board from pursuing OWTU's claim for recognition of the monthly paid workers of Texaco. the words of one worker who wrote a heartfelt letter to "PEOPLE" Newspaper -, He held hundreds of meetings throughout the oilbelt during the period 1936-37. There was massive police intimida­tion, workers were brutalised and arrested including 2nd Vice President Cecil Paul. That the Union was able to negotiate a Collec­tive Agreement which affected all oilworkers, while it did not have more than a fraction of the workers as its members, is due to the fact that the companies (and the Colonial Government) found that the outlook of the OWTU was, at the time, more agreeable to them than Butler. That would have strengthened the growing disenchantment amongst the work­ing class about the pro-imperialist stance of the PNM. This was clearly aimed at the OWTU to prevent it from representing WASA workers. Rojas had left the WIIP in 1954. Weekes was also President of the National Trade Union Congress - the umbrella body of the Trade Union Movement. deadlocked. They resumed work undefeated, having held the line. When other avenues failed to get the Company to alter its position, the Union with the full support of all the BP workers served Strike Notice on the Company. The second effect of the campaign begun in the 1956 Conference of Delegates was the now famous strike in 1960. The OWTU had a long fraternal relationship with the New Jewel Movement and with Brother Maurice Bishop. (f)     To provide for the political education of our people so as to stimulate their consciousness and guide their ideological, social and cultural development. Working class consciousness had taken some steps forward. Mass demonstrations were organised. It was in fact to be the newspapers, in a role characteristic of them, that labelled the Reformists as the "REBELS" - a name which has remained to this day. About this Item: Oil Workers Intl. In the first few years of the 1950's, the OWTU had therefore, recaptured some of the fire for which it was first known. In 1963, for example, the Union had successfully negotiated a substantial wage increase in addi­tion to cutting the work week .to forty hours. The Executive agreed to stand with the workers and wrote both Caroni and the Government, request­ing a meeting to discuss the crisis with a view to finding some solution. By June 4th all Texaco workers had returned to work. The Kenya Petroleum Oil Workers Union (KPOWU), affiliated to IndustriALL Global Union, says it will fight against the workers’ and human rights violations and for the reinstatement of the workers. Most significantly, the State had decided that they would lead the new on the working class. The Bill itself was hurriedly drafted and passed in both houses in the space of twenty-four hours. Out of that mammoth meeting came a resolution which stated. But Amoco had already sent out the word to con­tractors - cut your workers' rates, because we are cutting yours. Texaco offered 9% and there were some arrests. For years multinational oil and gas companies have deliberately set about driving down our wages, conditions, job security and health and safety standards of offshore catering, drilling, … Through this patient work they were able to succeed in first winning one post in the branch, then in 1956, The motions moved by the Pointe-a-Pierre delegates were not successful, as the Conference, (Incidentally, this case made industrial relations history as it was the first time that a worker appealed a case against a Union in such manner. The Supreme Court has very succinctly prescribed the … By the end of May. There were no budgets or financial statements. That the Union was able to negotiate a Collec­tive Agreement which affected all oilworkers, while it did not have more than a fraction of the workers as its members, is due to the fact that the companies (and the Colonial Government) found that the outlook of the OWTU was, at the time, more agreeable to them than Butler. Prior to this, the Union assisted in the construction of a home for "Buzz" Butler. The Oilfields Workers' Trade Union was to again play a pivotal part in that struggle. Trintoc a chance to develop the new bureaucrats have turned the heat on the workers and operated just like the multinationals. First, it drove another nail in the coffin of the old leadership of the OWTU represented by Rojas. But the warning signals did n go away. During 1977, the Union held celebrations in honour of its fortieth anniversary. 16 Coffee Street was established. The Union fought the case all the way to the Privy Council and lost because the judicial system had to support the Govern­ment in keeping the lid on the Industrial Relations crisis facing the country. It also meant a vote of confidence in the progressive line within the Trade Union Movement, and a rejection of the capitulationist policy being pursued by the leaders of the Trade Union Congress. In fact Union members were elected Parliamentarians, County Councillors, and Aldermen as representatives of the people, and the President General is a member of the Senate. Let us give it to them  LET THE ULF GIVE TO THE PEOPLE OF TRINAGO…THE NEW DEMOCRACY.". But it was precisely this unity and militancy, a militancy that defiantly stood up to powerful multinational companies such as Texaco, Dunlop and W.R. Grace (Fed Chem), that caused the powers that be to intensify their efforts to bring the OWTU to ground. The Fedchem strike was marked by picket line terror, guns, dogs, police, arrests, yet no one broke the picket line. By 1977, the year of the fortieth anniversary of the OWTU, (an event which was enthusiastically celebrated by the members of the union} the oil boom was in full swing and already the twin faces of OPEC's intervention had become obvious. The Fedchem strike of 1980-81 was exemplary in many respects and just like the Texaco Must Go campaign and the Galeota crisis of 1982 caused widespread examination of the domination of the key economic sector - the energy sector- by transnationals, the relationship between the transnationals and the State and the unwillingness and/or inability of the State to protect national sovereignty. The second effect of the campaign begun in the 1956 Conference of Delegates was the now famous strike in 1960. The very fact that the largely Indian sugar workers wanted to join with the largely African oilworkers was too serious a threat to those that controlled the society. The com­pany retaliated to the strike by the fifty seven monthly paid by locking out 287 hourly and weekly rated who belong­ed to another bargaining unit. The colonial Government reacted in a fashion characteristic to its nature, by bringing in troops and marines, who, coupled with the local police set about viciously crushing the uprising. Regardless of the vindication of the OWTU's position on T & TEC the Press kept up its vicious attack on T & TEC workers and the Union. 1965, was to be a most important year in the history of the Union - and of Trinago as a whole. At Dunlop alone, there were forty-three reported grievances. Subsequent­ly, the Government was to buy  out Shell and establish TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO OIL COMPANY (Trintoc). Eventually all workers were re-employed except Waldron. Most of these new members had come from, As early as January 6th 1978 in reference to the Pen­sion Plan Pee Gee Weekes wrote to Texaco “. The workers therefore also need political power to build the basis for defending and advancing their economic interests. For the workers understood all too clearly that without democracy their Union would become merely a hollow shell, an instrument unable to bring about the benefits that were theirs by right. He was however, immediately arrested and was not released until May 1939. It also transformed the Union into a national Union in a real sense - hav­ing members in all corners of Trinago. It introduced the Industrial Stabilisation Act which, amongst other things, out-lawed strikes. The conspiracy was clear. It continued “…Texaco intends to leave Trinidad and to leave the Refinery in as bad a state as Shell left theirs...No force on earth can change Texaco's plans   The point is whether we are going to wait until Texaco is ready and then buy cheap and useless junk at Pointe-aPierre for a ridiculously high price. (b)          To establish an economic system, a social order and a government consistent with the interests of the work­ing class and the people in general; (c)     To promote and defend democracy and democratic institutions among the workers in particular and the people of Trinidad and Tobago in general; (d)         To eliminate all forms of imperialism, capitalism and racialism in our society and to achieve genuine in­dependence for Trinidad and Tobago in all spheres, economic, political, social and cultural, and to end the exploitation of man by man; (e)           To secure and maintain the interest, well being and prosperity of the oppressed, exploited and dispossessed people of Trinidad and Tobago and to win and preserve their fundamental freedoms and human rights. The Union stood for parity with Lever and Nestle's. Rojas had for some time been making noises about "Communists" in the trade union movement. Today ROGWU is the largest industrial union in our country. It was reestablished the Rebels in 1965 and ran weekly until 1971) indicated seriousness of the matter. They were newly organised into the Union. The Union's position was the correct one, but the Government lacked the courage and the commitment to battle the multinationals. The President General wrote the Minister of Labour advising against "precipitous action' T& TEC workers gathered in COSSABO. proposed a totally ridiculous Pension Plan which the majority of workers re­jected outright. The workers' objective was to rid themselves of the corrupt and sell-out leadership of Bhadase Maharaj. The implications of this programme of retrenchment were alarming. ", On January 10th 1978 Andrews of Texaco wrote to the Union: "(the) stability of the company's workforce  is now seriously jeopardised by your union's proposals" and "resolution of the forthcoming negotiations therefore, will give rise to the urgent need for rationalisation of the work-force, improvement in efficiency by elimination of restrictive classification practices in several directions.". The Bermudez struggle confirmed clearly that the Employers' Consultative Association was pulling no punches in its bid to destroy trade unionism. What happened is now well-recorded history. 1983 saw struggles at Halliburton against retrench­ment, lockout and dismissals. Octavo [22.5 cm] Olive green cloth over boards with gilt stamped titles on the spine and front cover, and a gilt stamped Oil Workers International Union device on the front cover. Their protests reached Strike proportions, and in April 1969 in open defiance of the ISA they went on strike. The 1945 Agreement besides being the first agree­ment for the OWTU also made Industrial Relations history since it contained the very first Cost of Living Allowance Clause negotiated in the country. after McEnearney workers resumed work, 130 were retrenched. By Annual Conference 1978 union membership had swollen to 20,800. The Union also organised a memorial service and cultural exposition in honour of Brother Bishop. Established on 25th July, 1937, and re­gistered on the 15th September, 1937 the Oilfields Workers' Trade Union, soon became a word on the lips of every oil-worker and his family. Industriall has criticized Petro Oil for the crackdown on union activities, and has reiterated that it will fight against the company’s … When, therefore, the company brought two ex-patriates to Trinidad to act in two vacancies, the workers recognised that this was nothing short of an insult to them and the coun­try in general, and they began a peaceful picket of the factory. Every night, the Executive travelled to another part of the oilbelt giving "stirring speeches" and en­couraging people to join. There were also a Health and Safety Conference, Women's Conference, a con­ference on contract labour, a teach-in on Zimbabwe, a Tobago regional seminar, Special Conference of Delegates, a North Seminar. All the problems they, The system was also open to much manipulation, and this was particularly obvious in the proceedings of the Annual Conference of Delegates - the highest body in the Union. These workers, who were all members of the All Trinidad Sugar Estates and Factory Workers Trade Union, were protesting the lack of action on the part of their Executive to process a number of long outstanding grievances. immediately began another round of political agitation. Welcome to the Oilfields Workers’ Trade Union. But the capitalist attack did not cease. To get the BRENT oil price, please enable Javascript. Though the Union's team argued a watertight case concerning the profitability of BP, the Court, in a Judgement that lent credence to the Union's charge that it was an instrument of the employer class, ruled that BP could begin to retrench workers. The KPOWU represents the majority of the workers employed in the company. Some were to regret their decision for they soon had nothing left and were unable to find any alternative employ­ment. For two thousand men to lose their jobs in a country already beset with soaring rates of unemployment and underemployment meant that many would never find useful employment again. Some were never to get employment for the rest of their lives in the oil industry. But there were other issues that made the members dissatisfied with Rojas and company. By their action the workers demonstrated their resolve not to settle for a worthless Pension and in the face of their strength, the Company and the Executive  recanted. To protest the delay of Texaco, Caroni Limited, and Neal & Massy Limited, in concluding negotiation, with the OWTU, ATSE & FWTU and TIWU, respectively. If the Executive wants some amendment to Rules and if Executive Officers are to be elected these are rushed through and then at 6.00 p. m. a motion is passed leaving the rest of matters to be dealt with by the General Council. Moreover because the Report resurrected the "RED SCARE" the PNM regime hoped that Weekes would be rejected totally as a Trade Union leader. The growing consciousness of the people was soon demonstrated by the bus workers - members of the OWTU's sister Union the Transport and Industrial Workers Union.